Tra derivazione e flessione: il caso del suffisso -éri in sardo

Immacolata Pinto

2018-01-01

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Abstract

The paper analyses the derivative and inflected asymmetries linked to the entry of the exogenous suffix - éri into Sardinian (PINTO 2011, 2015, 2016). Such asymmetries concern both word formation rules (e.g.: camp. N-ali, N-dòri, log. N-ale, N-dòre vs camp., log. N-éri) and productive nominal inflectional paradigms (e.g.: camp. N-I vs log. N-e, N-i).). The analysis considers the complex history of the outcomes of the Latin suffix -arius, in particular the Italo-Romance ones of French mediation (e.g.: tosc. -iere, -ieri < fr. -ier, cfr. SERIANNI 1995). The focus of the study is the role of the vowel -i which, in the case of -éri (< pis. -ièri, cat. -er, sp. -ero, it. -ière), does not serve as an isogloss between dialects from the south and the central-north (e.g.: camp. cani “dog”, log. cane “id.” vs camp. castangeri “chestnut seller”, log. castanzeri “id.”, cfr. VIRDIS 1988, PUDDU 2015). A typological-comparative approach to the study of -éri in the Romance languages highlights interesting relationships between nominal inflection classes, gender and ways of forming the plural (pis. barbièri “barber, barbers” vs log. barbéri “barber”, barbéris “barbers”; cfr. CASTELLANI 2000, LOPORCARO 2016a, MAIDEN 2016).